{"id":36414,"date":"2019-08-07T11:05:00","date_gmt":"2019-08-07T11:05:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2024-06-11T16:03:05","modified_gmt":"2024-06-11T15:03:05","slug":"11414-a-feminist-critique-of-the-term-left-behind-women-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/en\/food\/11414-a-feminist-critique-of-the-term-left-behind-women-2\/","title":{"rendered":"A feminist critique of the term \u2018left behind\u2019 women"},"content":{"rendered":"

When people migrate to cities in China, many elders, children and the women who care for them are commonly seen as \u201cleft behind\u201d (\u7559\u5b88) in the countryside, suffering from neglect and exclusion from the benefits of development and modernisation. But is this term accurate and useful to understand and support these people? I argue women are not merely passive victims in this process, and we need to reframe how we address their situation.<\/p>\n

\u2018Left behind\u2019 populations<\/h2>\n

Since China\u2019s \u201creform and opening-up\u201d, industrialisation and urbanisation have expanded dramatically. This is usually celebrated as economic growth, modernisation and development. The previous Maoist reverence for the revolutionary fervour of the peasantry has been replaced by the attitude that peasants are backwards, and need to be moved into the cities. This sentiment is now so mainstream that most people in China take it for granted and could not imagine otherwise. However,\u00a0fast-paced industrialisation and urbanisation has also brought about serious social and environmental problems. Among them is the abandonment of the countryside and rural people, which the influential intellectual Wen Tiejun has characterised famously as the \u201cthree rural problems<\/a>\u201d: declining agricultural production, low income for peasants and underdeveloped rural infrastructure.<\/p>\n

As young men and other working-age individuals migrate to cities to work in factories, construction and services, most elders and children, and many women responsible for their care, remain in the countryside. Consequently, they do not have access to high-wage employment and are unable to sustain labour-intensive agricultural production. This limits their income and the possibility for thriving rural communities. Since the mid-1990s, these people began to be identified as those \u201cleft behind\u201d in the countryside, denoting not only the fact they remain in the villages, but also the perception of them as \u201cleft behind\u201d in the process of modernisation and development itself.<\/p>\n

Since the 2000s, the characteristics and plight of these \u201cleft behind\u201d people have become the focus of much scholarship. This has contributed to promoting various government policies to address the predicament of these people and the \u201chollow villages\u201d where they remain. This is admirable for bringing much-needed public resources to address the problems that come about through increasing rural\u2013urban inequality. However, this scholarship and much of its influence on policy has important limitations, and may even be counterproductive. So, we need another framework. My research builds upon feminist critiques<\/a> of the exploitation of rural women, and calls for deeper engagement with critical gender studies in China.<\/p>\n

The feminisation of farming<\/h2>\n

First, we should note that, as migrant workers flocked to the cities, women began to take over more and more responsibility for farming and rural life. This phenomenon occurs worldwide, and has been called the \u201cfeminisation of farming<\/a>\u201d. In China, however, powerful voices promoting neoliberal discourses and patriarchal assumptions (mainly in economics, political science and sociology) questioned the growing share of female labour in Chinese agriculture. Female agricultural work was largely invisible for them, because much of it focuses on household subsistence and other forms of unpaid, non-cash, home-based labour. But as more research emerged, those critics were forced to accept this fact in China as well. Thus, promoting mainstream recognition of the \u201cfeminisation of agriculture\u201d has been an important contribution to scholarship on \u201cleft behind\u201d women in China.<\/p>\n

However, we can and should advance far beyond this discussion to recognise how rural women are not merely passive victims during these transformations. After all, the very concept of \u201cleft behind\u201d populations, and the fixated emphasis of scholarship on the suffering and abandonment of these people, promotes a certain discourse of victimisation that makes their agency invisible and their initiatives unimportant, and may even appropriate their self-empowerment efforts. This does not mean that scholars who research \u201cleft behind\u201d people are the cause<\/em> of their suffering, or that their intentions are not honourable. But to go beyond merely lamenting the plight of the \u201cleft behind\u201d, we must revise the basic concepts we use to understand this problem.<\/p>\n

I argue we must shift the focus on rural women from \u201cleft behind\u201d to \u201cleaders\u201d in various initiatives against displacement, marginalisation and discrimination, and in defence of food safety, food sovereignty and a healthy and thriving countryside. As stated<\/a> by the special rapporteur on the right to food at the United Nations, Olivier de Schutter: \u201cThe most effective strategies to empower women who tend farm and family \u2013 and to alleviate hunger in the process \u2013 are to remove the obstacles that hinder them from taking charge of their lives.\u201d But this requires, first of all, recognising their efforts to control their own lives, and treating them as leaders in these socio-ecological initiatives.<\/p>\n

Female leadership in agriculture<\/h2>\n

The bottom-up responses to China\u2019s unfolding food safety crisis provide a good foundation for developing this new framework. The expansion of organic or \u201cgreen\u201d food production for \u201ccommunity supported agriculture<\/a>\u201d\u00a0(CSA) projects and other \u201calternative food networks\u201d in China features several women as their most prominent leaders. This is notably the case, for example, with the Shared Harvest<\/a> initiative, led by Shi Yan<\/a>, as well as the Beijing Organic Farmers\u2019 Market<\/a>, led by Chang Tianle<\/a>. They are both young, well-educated women playing leading roles in the development of an organic and agroecological movement in China. China\u2019s most successful ecological agriculture cooperative, Puhan, was founded by Zheng Bing<\/a>, a rural school teacher known as the \u201cfarming godmother\u201d of China. Puhan is led mostly by women.<\/p>\n

Powerful examples are also evident in the collaborations between female scholars and peasant communities. Professor Song Yiching<\/a> of the Chinese Academy of Sciences has been a pioneer in co-organising organic seed production initiatives in partnership with rural cooperatives in Guangxi, which are primarily led by and composed of women. Similarly, Professor He Huili<\/a> from the China Agricultural University was instrumental in the establishment of one of China\u2019s earliest and most famous \u201cpollution free\u201d rice production initiatives. After her collaboration in that project, she founded the grassroots Hongnong Academy in Henan province, offering a combination of cultural education, rural health care and agricultural training projects in which women are the main organisers and participants.<\/p>\n

In my four years of doctoral research<\/a> on bottom-up food safety initiatives in the villages where professors Song and He worked, I documented how the success of the organic food cooperative in Guangxi resulted not only from Professor Song\u2019s support, but most importantly because of the strong character of Lu Rongyan<\/a>, the female village leader, and the proactive engagement of multiple peasant women. The Hongnong Academy in Henan is a good example not simply because of Professor He\u2019s leadership, but primarily because it is already transforming young, timid and stigmatised rural women into vocal and dynamic community leaders themselves.<\/p>\n

\"LuLu Rongyan sharing her seed-breeding experiences (Source: Zhang Li)<\/span><\/p>\n

In highlighting these instances of female leadership, I am not suggesting all <\/em>ecological agriculture<\/a> and food sovereignty<\/a> initiatives in China are established and led by women. I am not pretending these endeavours are perfect. Nor am I saying they only unfold through the hands of well-educated women. In fact, the majority of organic food production in China takes place quietly in countless small gardens and marginal lands alongside cash-crop fields, under the caring hands of millions of peasant women. Their \u201cdouble burden\u201d of working in the fields and taking care of the household, which they even extend through gifts of food to their children and family networks who migrate to the cities, entrusts to them the responsibility for and leadership over a massive bottom-up self-protection movement against the food-safety crisis.<\/p>\n

These unsung heroines of China\u2019s countryside deserve and need more than pity and stigmatisation. They ought to be recognised, encouraged and supported in their efforts to sustain organic farming, cultivate alternative food networks and empower themselves through their own agency.<\/p>\n

Beyond \u2018left behind\u2019<\/h2>\n

The concept of \u201cleft behind\u201d women, children and elders has become a staple of mainstream media discussions about rural China, and it has gained a firm place in academic literature. However, its stigmatisation and victimisation conceal the agency of these individuals. Therefore, we must move beyond descriptive critiques to cultivate more fruitful frameworks that recognise how these individuals struggle against rural\u2013urban inequalities, and contribute to deep social and ecological transformations. Rather than \u201cleft behind\u201d, peasant women are leaders in the much-needed agroecological transformation of China<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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