{"id":50390865,"date":"2024-03-12T14:36:36","date_gmt":"2024-03-12T14:36:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dialogochino.net\/?p=390865"},"modified":"2024-04-11T11:57:46","modified_gmt":"2024-04-11T11:57:46","slug":"390865-copper-pragmatism-and-going-green-a-history-of-chile-china-relations","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/en\/business\/390865-copper-pragmatism-and-going-green-a-history-of-chile-china-relations\/","title":{"rendered":"Copper, pragmatism, and going green: A history of Chile-China relations"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

It has been more than 50 years since diplomatic relations were established between China and Chile, bringing together two nations separated by nearly 20,000 kilometres of ocean. Chile has been the first South American nation to reach many key milestones in relations with China, and Chinese leader Xi Jinping has spoken warmly of their \u201cspecial relationship<\/a>\u201d. Now, the pair are entering a new phase of green cooperation and investment which looks set to draw them closer still.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1970 to 2001: Cultural beginnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In 1952, the Chilean muralist Jos\u00e9 Venturelli travelled to China to attend a conference. He fell in love with the country, returning many times and eventually seeing out his days in Beijing, where he died in 1988. A committed socialist and supporter of Mao Zedong, he is said to have worked as an informal diplomat for China<\/a> in Latin America, and in promoting Maoism in the region during the 1950s and early 1960s. Hoping to consolidate exchanges between the two nations, Venturelli co-founded the Chilean-Chinese Cultural Institute<\/a> in Santiago in the 1950s, alongside poet Pablo Neruda and the country\u2019s future socialist president, Salvador Allende (1970\u20131973).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was under Allende\u2019s leadership that Chile became the first South American country to recognise and establish diplomatic relations with the People\u2019s Republic of China, on 15 December 1970. A year later, at the 26th United Nations General Assembly in New York, Chile demanded<\/a> the \u201crestitution of the legitimate rights of the PRC,\u201d backing China\u2019s successful readmission to the UN.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe first phase of the Chile-China relationship was marked by cultural ties, but there were also diplomatic favours exchanged,\u201d explained Andr\u00e9s B\u00f3rquez, coordinator of the Asian studies programme at the University of Chile\u2019s international studies institute.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe Pinochet dictatorship put paid too much of that with its strong anti-communist discourse, yet paradoxically neither Chile nor Beijing cut ties, realising the importance of the relationship.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Greyscale<\/div>
Chilean painter Jos\u00e9 Venturelli (centre) and his wife Delia Baraona (left) meet Mao Zedong in Beijing in 1951. During his career, Venturelli is said to have worked as an informal diplomat for China in Latin America, promoting Chinese culture and Maoism. (Image: Eva Siao \/ Archive of Fundaci\u00f3n Jos\u00e9 Venturelli)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

When Chile suffered its bloody democratic breakdown, following General Augusto Pinochet\u2019s 1973 coup d\u2019\u00e9tat that overthrew Allende\u2019s government, relations survived despite opposing ideologies with China\u2019s then-leader Deng Xiaoping. Commercial ties with Chile began to form as Deng sought to modernise China\u2019s economy<\/a>, with materials such as copper in growing demand.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Diplomatically, Chile stood firm behind the One China policy and received support for its Antarctic claim in return, reciprocated in 1984 when China was permitted to build<\/a> its Great Wall research station on a sliver of the Antarctic Peninsula claimed by Chile.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2000s: Commodities and free trade<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In December 2001, Chile vocally backed China\u2019s accession to the World Trade Organisation, becoming the first Latin American country to do so, and pointedly recognised the PRC as a \u201cmarket economy\u201d during the 2004 visit<\/a> of Chinese Communist Party general secretary Hu Jintao to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Santiago.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This approach paid off. In 2005, Chile became the first individual nation<\/a> to sign a free trade agreement with the PRC. Only the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had done so previously, with its countries signing a deal as a bloc in 2002. The FTA entered into force in 2006, seeing Chile take full advantage of booming demand for commodities in Asia, notably its copper, and building on an FTA with South Korea signed in 2003<\/a>, and healthy trade with Japan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

US$57.2 billion<\/p>

The total value of trade between China and Chile in 2023, according to Chile\u2019s foreign ministry. Of this, $37.4 billion was exports from Chile, making it one of the few countries in Latin America to have a trade surplus with China.<\/p><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

In 2005, China was Chile\u2019s third-largest export market, sending goods across the Pacific Ocean totalling more than US$4.8 billion<\/a>. Total trade between the two countries that year was US$8 billion. By 2010, that had risen to over US$27.2 billion. In 2023, it reached $57.2 billion, according to Chilean foreign ministry data.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2009, with trade the undisputed backbone of the binational relationship, China became Chile\u2019s main economic partner<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cChina\u2019s market is critical for Chile, which fosters a certain dependency dynamic which is evident across the region, but is particularly pronounced in Chile,\u201d said Margaret Myers, the director of the Asia & Latin America Program at the Inter-American Dialogue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chile\u2019s dependency on China has manifested through its trade relations and beyond. In 2022, China was the destination for 39.4%<\/a> of Chile\u2019s exports, including around 70%<\/a> of all its copper exports. Chile\u2019s agricultural and seafood exports to China have also steadily increased in recent years. Most recently, deepening ties in the energy and technology sectors have seen concerns raised over Chile\u2019s wider independence from its main trading partner, with even President Gabriel Boric expressing caution<\/a> over the possible risks of such dependency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Guo Cunhai, coordinator of the Beijing-based Centre for China and Latin America Studies, \u201cpragmatism is the cornerstone\u201d of China-Chile relations. \u201cPresident Xi Jinping said that the China-Chile relationship is a forerunner of China-Latin America relations and a model of South-South cooperation.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2010s: More trade, investments and Covid<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

A diplomatic charm offensive has often accompanied pragmatic trade relations. Every single Chilean president since 1990 has visited China at least once. Between 2015 and 2019, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi visited Chile four times<\/a>. Chile is the only country in Latin America whose presidents have participated in all three summits of China\u2019s Belt and Road Initiative, having signed up to join in 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Xi<\/div>
Chinese leader Xi Jinping and former Chilean president Michelle Bachelet at a ceremony during her visit to Beijing in 2017. During her tenure, Bachelet was keen to attract more foreign investments to Chile, especially from China. (Image: Wang Ye \/ Alamy)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTrade has been the driving force of this relationship,\u201d said Jorge Heine, who served as Chile\u2019s ambassador in Beijing between 2014 and 2017. \u201cNo country [in Latin America] sends a larger share of its exports to China, but what had been lagging was Chinese investment in Chile.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When Heine was dispatched to Beijing in 2014, Chilean president Michelle Bachelet assigned him the task of increasing foreign direct investment as a priority. Whereas Chinese companies poured tens of billions of dollars into Brazil, Peru, Ecuador and Argentina, Chile had little to show for its efforts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAt the beginning of the 2010s, Chile was in the top 15 FDI destinations anywhere in the world, but there was a question as to why it wasn\u2019t attracting Chinese investment,\u201d said Ignacio Tornero, who works with Chinese and Chilean companies through his consultancy, East Consulting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cOne of the reasons was that there wasn\u2019t a lot of experience in China investing abroad \u2013 they were used to dealing government-to-government, but started to work out that sending younger envoys to work out the local regulatory landscape was key to doing business in Chile.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most experts point to Chilean trade body ProChile\u2019s tireless work in China promoting investment and setting up links between businesses on each side of the Pacific Ocean.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Recommended<\/span><\/span><\/div><\/a>\n\n\n\n

Big deals soon started to roll in. According to a report<\/a> published by the Inter-American Dialogue in January, Chile did not figure among the top 10 destinations for Chinese investment until 10 years ago, when it crept in at the bottom of the list.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since 2018, it has been the top destination in Latin America and the Caribbean for Chinese FDI, with over 90% of these investments currently in the mining and power sectors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2016, the Chinese State Power Investment Corporation bought the formerly Australian-owned power company Pacific Hydro, with its US$1 billion in assets in Chile, and in 2018, Tianqi Lithium bought<\/a> out 24% of SQM, Chile\u2019s main lithium producer, from a Canadian shareholder for US$4 billion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This latter deal rocked the boat. Chilean authorities delayed the deal, fearing behind-closed-doors discussions could lead to potential tax revenue losses. Chinese ambassador Xu Bu fired a warning shot and commented that this could affect Chile\u2019s relationship with China; he was even recalled to Beijing<\/a> in response. It was eventually agreed that Tianqi employees would not sit on SQM\u2019s board, nor would they have access to sensitive information.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Xu<\/div>
Xu Bu, former Chinese ambassador to Santiago, at a foreign relations committee meeting in Chile\u2019s congress in 2018. Two years later, deputies in the congress presented a bill to require two thirds of parliament\u2019s approval for any project submitted by foreign state-owned enterprises, having raised fears that China was \u2018buying Chile\u2019. (Image: C\u00e1mara de Diputadas y Diputados de Chile<\/a> \/ Flickr<\/a>,\u00a0 CC BY-NC-ND<\/a>)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Since Chile\u2019s return to democracy in 1990, \u201cthere has been a foundational principle of non-discrimination along lines of nationalities of companies in Chile, coupled with a reluctance to make politically-motivated decisions,\u201d said Zara Albright, a doctoral candidate studying Chile-China relations at Boston University.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, in 2020, members of Chile\u2019s parliament from across the political spectrum warned<\/a> ominously that China was \u201cbuying Chile.\u201d A bill submitted to congress by an economic affairs committee would have required two thirds of parliament to approve any investment project by foreign state-owned enterprises, but it never moved through the legislature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f3rquez says that there is still no political consensus on increased Chinese investment in Chile, with some sectors calling for screening or potential investment to avoid domination of key sectors, while others prefer adherence to Chile\u2019s history of non-discrimination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chile has a very strong relationship with the United States and China. Until now, it has managed to balance that very well<\/blockquote>Jorge Heine, former Chilean ambassador to China<\/cite><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Other fears emanated from the north, too. Amid a US campaign to freeze telecoms giant Huawei out of global tech projects, a plan to connect the Chilean city of Valparaiso and Shanghai by submarine fibre optic cable<\/a> was shelved after the then US secretary of state Mike Pompeo visited Chile in April 2019 to express his concerns. Former president Sebasti\u00e1n Pi\u00f1era had even visited<\/a> Shenzhen, China\u2019s tech hub, in 2019 to seek similar deals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTraditionally, Chile has had a very strong relationship with the United States and China,\u201d explained Heine. \u201cUntil now, Chile has managed to balance that very well, and I see no reason why it shouldn’t be able to continue doing so in the future.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2010s came to a close with the Covid-19 pandemic, during which Chile depended heavily on China for supplies of masks, respirators and personal protective equipment. It secured early access<\/a> to vaccines produced by the Chinese laboratory Sinovac Biotech, long before they became available elsewhere, helping the nation in eventually achieving the fifth-highest<\/a> vaccination rate in the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2020 to now, and beyond: Green partners?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

After reaching 50 years of diplomatic relations in 2020, Chile and China are now entering a new phase in their relationship. The expansion of renewable energy infrastructure, green hydrogen<\/a> and lithium mining offer new areas of collaboration, trade and investment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A roadmap for the relationship was set out when President Gabriel Boric visited<\/a> China in October last year. His foreign minister Alberto van Klaveren signed 13 agreements<\/a> to add to the bilateral relationship, modernising ties with an MOU that included talk of sustainable development and green energy pledges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cChile has huge advantages in developing solar, wind and hydrogen energy, while China is a global leader in clean energy technology: both sides have great potential for cooperation in green development,\u201d said Guo Cunhai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Group<\/div>
Chilean president Gabriel Boric and ministers make official statements during their visit to Beijing in October 2023. The two governments signed 13 bilateral agreements, including green energy pledges and an MOU on sustainable development. (Image: Minist\u00e9rio de Obras P\u00fablicas de Chile<\/a> \/ Flickr<\/a>, CC BY-NC-SA<\/a>)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Chile has abundant renewable energy resources at a very competitive price, making it an ideal location for green hydrogen production<\/a>, technology that China is actively developing. Chile\u2019s installed solar capacity has more than tripled<\/a> since 2018, reaching over 9 gigawatts<\/a> by the end of 2023, while wind power capacity reached 4.8 gigawatts<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere are expectations that the EU might be a big player in the future with Chile on green hydrogen, but China is very interested in developments in that space, too,\u201d said Rebecca Ray, a senior academic researcher with the Global China Initiative at the Boston University Global Development Policy Center.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt may be that Chile\u2019s stance around pragmatism and non-discrimination could work in its favour, but there is certainly a natural complementarity between China and Chile\u2019s ambitions in the green transformation space.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chile has ambitious plans in sustainable infrastructure, including the expansion of ports, airports and trains, while China has vast experience in construction and financing such projects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chinese power companies\u2019 ultra-high voltage transmission technology \u2013 power lines which retain voltage over long distances \u2013 could be crucial if Chile is to transport energy generated in the northern Atacama Desert, with its world-leading solar power potential<\/a>, to population centres further south. In 2020, an agreement was signed between the world\u2019s largest power company, China\u2019s State Grid-SGID and Empresa CGE, Chile\u2019s main power distributor for US$3 billion<\/a>. As of 2023, 57%<\/a> of Chile\u2019s national grid was Chinese-owned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other green technologies and minerals are vital to the relationship moving forward. With Chile the home to around 44%<\/a> of the world\u2019s known lithium deposits<\/a> \u2013 crucial for the battery technology for which Chinese companies dominate supply chains \u2013 businesses have cast their eyes towards the salt flats in the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Recommended<\/span><\/span><\/div><\/a>\n\n\n\n

In January 2022, Chinese vehicle and battery maker BYD won one of five lithium exploitation tenders in Chile, and says it wants to make electric batteries in the country \u2013 a crucial step as the South American country looks to add value to its exports. Tianqi, meanwhile, is now lobbying<\/a> to increase its SQM stake.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China has also become a notable contributor to efforts to green Chile\u2019s transport sector. Santiago has the largest fleet of electric buses<\/a> of any city outside China, with the lithium battery-charged vehicles provided<\/a> by Chinese companies BYD, King Long and Yutong. Electromobility continues to be a focus for Chilean green energy efforts and Chinese exports<\/a> alike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chinese diplomats and business leaders, Myers said, \u201chave worked hard to promote Chinese investment into certain sectors in Chile, and that includes Chile\u2019s energy transition. China must invest in these sectors in order to be competitive in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cChile is a recipient of trade and investment in these high-tech and innovation-related sectors, on the one hand, and on the other is a key part of the supply chain that will feed them \u2013 that\u2019s another reason why we\u2019ve seen this boom in interest in Chile.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chile has signed more cooperation agreements with China than any other South American country. To lessen dependency fears, it is also trying to diversify its export partners with a new FTA with Indonesia<\/a> and the EU<\/a>, and has a preferential trade agreement<\/a> with India, in force since 2007.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cMy feeling is that the relationship is going to deepen with respect to Chinese investment in sectors like electromobility and infrastructure, above all through public tenders,\u201d said B\u00f3rquez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New collaborative infrastructure projects in this vein are forthcoming. Recent tenders won by Chinese contractors include two sections of the Ruta 5 highway<\/a>, a new seventh metro line<\/a> for Santiago, <\/sup>and a hospital<\/a> in the northern city of Coquimbo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cFor Chile, the main challenge is how it can add more value to the copper and lithium it is sending to China,\u201d said Heine. \u201cIf that happens, it would be a real game changer.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Chile was China\u2019s first ally in South America, and the two have become important trade partners. Now, relations are moving into a new phase of green cooperation and investment<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":50000533,"featured_media":50390869,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[758],"tags":[50040720,600],"hashtags":[],"country":[50000024,20000110],"class_list":["post-50390865","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-business","tag-geopolitics","tag-trade","country-chile","country-china"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nCopper, pragmatism, and going green: A history of Chile-China relations | Dialogue Earth<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Chile was the first South American country to pass several milestones with China. 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