{"id":60064269,"date":"2024-12-06T18:55:03","date_gmt":"2024-12-06T18:55:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/?p=60064269"},"modified":"2024-12-19T17:38:31","modified_gmt":"2024-12-19T17:38:31","slug":"inc-5-dark-arts-filibusters-and-the-final-meeting-that-wasnt","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/en\/pollution\/inc-5-dark-arts-filibusters-and-the-final-meeting-that-wasnt\/","title":{"rendered":"INC-5: \u2018Dark arts\u2019, filibusters and the final meeting that wasn\u2019t"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Momentum for a global deal to tackle global plastic pollution stalled this month in South Korea, after a small group of oil-producing countries held out against over 100 pushing for an ambitious treaty that restricted production.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a result, negotiators from 175 countries left Busan without achieving their agreed mandate to draft a treaty by the end of 2024, and the process will be deferred to a new meeting next year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI am equal parts disappointed and inspired,\u201d says Sivendra Michael, Fiji\u2019s lead negotiator, and lead negotiator on finance for the Pacific Small Island Developing States. \u201cDisappointed that a small group of countries were able to take the process hostage by what I would call the \u2018dark arts\u2019 of multilateral negotiations. Inspired by the show of strength from over 100 countries who pushed back.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Busan gathering was meant to be the final meeting of five, a process set in motion in 2022 when countries adopted a UN Environment Assembly (UNEA) resolution<\/a> promising to draft an international, legally-binding deal to tackle plastic pollution. Since then, countries have been meeting to form \u201cinternational negotiating committees\u201d (INCs) to compile a draft. Up for debate at these INC meetings were measures to reduce the scale of plastic production, phase out harmful plastic products and chemicals, and establish a financial mechanism to help developing countries implement the changes a treaty might require.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Over seven days of negotiations ending on 1 December, countries\u2019 representatives debated a streamlined draft of a text that had ballooned at previous meetings. It was hoped they would reach a final agreement. That is not what panned out: by the final hours, deep rifts remained on key topics, blocking the path forward.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The heat of production<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

On the topic of plastic production especially, sparks flew in Busan. Many countries proposed text in the treaty that would lay out controls on global production of plastic, which stands at over 400 million tonnes<\/a> annually, and could triple<\/a> <\/strong>by 2050 unless curbed. The UNEA mandate for the treaty is to address plastic pollution across its full life cycle. Most countries say that starts with production, recognising that the world is already unable to cope with the volume of plastic being made.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Recommended<\/span><\/span><\/div><\/a>\n\n\n\n

But throughout the treaty process, a handful of countries including Russia, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have fought such language, calling instead for downstream measures to manage pollution. This self-described \u201clike-minded\u201d group of countries all have large oil and petrochemical industries that form the basis of plastics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They proposed \u201cno text\u201d on plastic production, meaning they did not want to impose any controls. \u201cIf you address plastic pollution, there should be no problem with producing plastics, because the problem is the pollution, not the plastics themselves,\u201d Saudi Arabian delegate Abdelrahman bin Mohammed Algwaiz said at a plenary meeting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to analysis<\/a> by the Centre for International Environmental Law, multiple national delegations, including Iran\u2019s, included industry lobbyists, of which there were over 220 registered to attend INC-5. This is more people than were in the delegations of South Korea or the EU.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As INC-5 wore on, the like-minded group\u2019s unmoving stance on production \u2013 and their resistance to restricting the use of \u201cchemicals of concern\u201d that may harm human health \u2013 began to grate on some negotiators. \u201cWe always try to work on proper consensus. But we know that on this topic [of production] it will be very, very difficult to have that,\u201d Kirving La\u00f1as, a delegate from Panama, told Dialogue Earth in the middle of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018Triple-threatened\u2019 nations demand change<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In the final days of the meeting, an unprecedented bloc of 102 countries, led by Panama and the Pacific Small Island Developing States, banded together to unanimously support proposals for a draft text that included a global plastic production reduction target. Ninety-four also supported<\/a> legally-binding measures to phase out harmful plastics and chemicals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere are just a few voices that are blocking progress, and we cannot allow those voices to overrule the will of global citizens and almost all governments on Earth,\u201d Juan Carlos Monterrey G\u00f3mez, a delegate from Panama, said during a press conference. The vocal bloc suggested that not having these elements in the treaty would be a red line for them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere\u2019s not any room to compromise on those,\u201d says Dennis Clare, a legal adviser for the Federated States of Micronesia. Islands like Micronesia face a \u201ctriple existential threat: to food, economy, and geophysical survival\u201d from plastic pollution, he added, the lattermost referring to sea level rise and the climate impacts of emissions-intensive plastic production.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/div>
A plastic food packaging facility in Binzhou, China. Plastic production was a sore spot at INC-5, with many saying that a proposed draft text containing a global reduction target was later watered down due to disagreements (Image: FOTO \/ Sipa USA \/ Alamy)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Strikingly, the bloc featured the 27 countries of the EU, a major plastic producing region that has typically championed<\/a> plastics circularity, believing plastics are essential but should be reused where possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before the recent US election, countries wanting an ambitious agreement had high hopes that the United States, a major plastics producer, would positively influence the talks. The country had come out in favour of production cuts after INC-4 in Ottawa. But before the Busan meeting, the US backed away from that position and did not publicly support proposals to cut production in Busan. Nor did China, the world\u2019s largest producer of plastic \u2013 although towards the end of the meeting, public statements<\/a> by China urged countries to take policies aligned with the \u201cwhole life cycle of plastics\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the chair released a final version of the text on the last day of negotiations, many felt it had weakened. The article on production still contained options for \u201cno text\u201d, and some of the ambitious language had been softened. The article on a potential financing mechanism was riddled with brackets, signalling disagreement. And in a section previously devoted to managing plastic products and chemicals of concern, \u201cnearly every aspect of the text is in brackets, and \u2018chemicals of concern\u2019 has been removed from the title\u201d, noted Erin Simon, vice president and head of plastic waste and business at WWF.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Emotions run high at the end<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

At the end stage of the talks, a visibly emotional delegate, Andre Volentras, appealed to \u201chuman decency\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWhat has the world come to?\u201d asked Volentras, who is part of the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme, an intergovernmental body that provides technical support to the Pacific Islands. \u201cWith climate change, you can\u2019t see CO2. But you can see<\/em> this waste\u2026 We can see this is a huge problem, so let\u2019s be serious about tackling it. I just find some of these filibustering and stalling tactics evil.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the meeting\u2019s final plenary session, Juliet Kabera, a delegate from Rwanda which has also led ambitious proposals to cut plastic production, called on nations to \u201cstand up for ambition\u201d, triggering a remarkable scene where hundreds of delegates and observers stood up to applaud. But by that point, with the conference venue booked for another meeting the next day, there was no longer time to resolve differences. Hours later, the chair gavelled the meeting to a close and scheduled a new meeting \u2013 dubbed INC-5.2 \u2013 to continue the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Man<\/div>
A man sorts plastic bottles at a recycling plant in Nakuru, Kenya. Throughout the treaty process, a bloc of oil and petrochemical countries have resisted calls to reduce plastic production, calling instead for downstream measures to manage plastic pollution (Image: James Wakibia \/ ZUMA Press \/ Alamy)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

There are mixed feelings about having another INC. \u201cIt\u2019s not ideal. But I believe extending the negotiations was necessary. It\u2019s definitely better than settling for a weak treaty,\u201d says Salisa Traipipitsiriwat, senior campaigner at the Environmental Justice Foundation. Traipipitsiriwat adds that INC-5.2 must avoid the mistakes of INC-5, where hundreds of observers \u2013 including scientists and civil society groups \u2013 were excluded from the last three days of negotiations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a risk of another meeting \u201csimply recreating this exercise in a new location with the same cast of characters\u201d, says Christina Dixon, ocean campaign leader at the Environmental Investigation Agency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Time for a vote?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Historically, UN multilateral agreements have been guided by the principle of consensus. For the plastic treaty, there are practical reasons to aim for this again, such as not alienating major plastic producers from the process, which could threaten the effectiveness of the final deal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the stalemate continues, however, ambitious countries may consider another option to move the treaty forward: voting. This is a rarely-used fallback in multilateral agreements, allowing countries to move beyond an impasse, usually with a two-thirds majority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Paris Agreement took nine years. The High Seas Treaty took 19 years. We\u2019re doing this one in two years.<\/blockquote>Felipe Victoria, senior manager at the Ocean Conservancy, on INC-5<\/cite><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Early on in the plastics treaty process, at INC-2 in Paris, the like-minded group of countries challenged the procedural voting rules. This made it so that if nations needed a vote to move forward, it would necessitate a time-consuming debate over the system to be used. Many observers believed this was a stalling tactic, and since then, the issue has not been revisited. Civil society groups have urged<\/a> countries to reopen that discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is important \u201cto keep in mind that this agreement is being negotiated with unprecedented speed\u201d, says Felipe Victoria, senior manager for international plastics policy at the Ocean Conservancy. \u201cTo put it into perspective, the Paris Agreement took nine years. The High Seas Treaty took 19 years. We\u2019re doing this one in two years.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From here, it remains unknown how long that supposedly two-year process will stretch out. Options have been floated for INC-5.2 to be held in May, or later in 2025. In the meantime, Fiji\u2019s \u201cdisappointed and inspired\u201d Michael is hopeful that nations will push on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe trust the multilateral process will deliver the mandate of [the UNEA resolution], and urge the minority [like-minded countries] to recognise the bigger problem at hand, instead of playing victims,\u201d he says.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The world needs to produce less plastic to really tackle plastic pollution, he insists. \u201cAs has been said several times, you can\u2019t mop the floor with the tap on.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This reporting was supported by a travel grant from GRID-Arendal.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article was corrected on 10 December. The story originally gave the wrong title for Sivendra Michael.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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