{"id":60137822,"date":"2026-06-19T19:16:07","date_gmt":"2026-06-19T18:16:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/?p=60137822"},"modified":"2026-06-19T19:29:22","modified_gmt":"2026-06-19T18:29:22","slug":"qa-indigenous-peoples-are-not-resisting-the-future-they-are-asserting-their-right-to-shape-it","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dialogue.earth\/en\/energy\/qa-indigenous-peoples-are-not-resisting-the-future-they-are-asserting-their-right-to-shape-it\/","title":{"rendered":"Q&A: Why climate politics cannot be separated from Indigenous sovereignty and justice"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Across the world, Indigenous Peoples are confronting pressures old and new \u2013 shrinking civic space, armed conflict, renewed militarisation and the accelerating race for minerals needed for the energy transition, much of which is mined on their lands. The 40th edition<\/a> of the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs\u2019 (IWGIA) report, The Indigenous World, documents both these threats and the political gains made by communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Indigenous World was first published in 1986 off the back of a Workshop on Indigenous Rights held in Geneva, Switzerland. Since then, it has been put together annually by a global network of volunteer contributors and has chronicled four decades of progress, regress and obstacles in the assertion of Indigenous rights around the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dialogue Earth spoke with Dwayne Mamo, who has been The Indigenous World\u2019s general editor since 2019, about the report\u2019s findings on the current state of Indigenous rights, and why climate politics cannot be separated from land, sovereignty and justice. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dialogue Earth: The Indigenous World 2026 includes reports from 62 countries as well as 25 international diplomacy processes, all of which have their own local conditions and situations. What are some of the main overarching themes?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Dwayne Mamo<\/strong>: Much of the common thread running through this 40th edition concerns issues around national security and its harmful effects on Indigenous Peoples, their lives, and the recognition of their rights to their lands, territories and resources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Dwayne<\/div>
Dwayne Mamo (Image: IWGIA)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

We are also witnessing a worrying trend of increased reprisals and intimidation against Indigenous leaders who engage with international human rights mechanisms. They are beginning to face retaliation from state actors and others, both at international events and once they return home. Sometimes they are even the focus of false media reports mischaracterising their engagement as anti-state. This dangerous trend has also been addressed<\/a> by several UN Special Rapporteurs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But I\u2019d also like to focus on the more positive broad strokes in the book. In 2025, against overwhelming odds, Indigenous Peoples in certain parts of the world were able to secure land demarcation laws and agreements \u2013 in Aotearoa<\/a> (the M\u0101ori name for New Zealand) and Brazil<\/a>, for example. Also, to protect their territories through legislation prohibiting extractive activities within national parks and wildlife sanctuaries, for example in India;<\/a> and gain legal recognition and protection as a people in Taiwan<\/a>, with progress being made in South Africa<\/a> and Canada<\/a>, among many other achievements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indigenous Peoples continue to fight for meaningful participation in decision-making processes, from the local and community level all the way up to the global and every level in between.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They are not standing in the way of progress or national security; they just want to ensure that when policies are implemented or actions taken, they are carried out justly. And when they are not \u2013 when human rights are violated, for example \u2013 that those responsible are held accountable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tell us about the history of Indigenous rights and recognition over the 40 years since the first Indigenous World report was published.<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The initiative to bring Indigenous Peoples\u2019 recognition and rights to the international scene began in 1923, when Cayuga Hereditary Chief of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, Deskaheh Levi General, travelled to Geneva to speak before the League of Nations. States refused to hear his appeal because they believed Canada had jurisdiction over the Six Nations he represented, but this did not stop his resolve \u2013 nor that of Indigenous Peoples in subsequent years, who have continued to push for their legal and moral recognition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"people<\/div>
The official launch of The Indigenous World\u2019s 40th edition at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York, April 2026 (Image: Arnab Dewan\/IWGIA)<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Indigenous organisations began to take root, such as the Saami Council (1956), the National Indian Brotherhood in Canada (1968) and many more in Latin America. In 1975, Indigenous Peoples convened in Port Alberni, British Columbia, for the first international conference of Indigenous Peoples. Two years later in Geneva, at the UN International NGO Conference on Discrimination against Indigenous Populations in the Americas, an important recommendation was made to establish a UN mechanism dedicated to reviewing developments in the situation of Indigenous Peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1982, the Commission on Human Rights established the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations, with the mandate to review developments concerning the situation of Indigenous Peoples and to discuss a draft for a possible international standard on their rights. The annual sessions of the Working Group were an essential platform for the development of the international Indigenous movement. For the first time, representatives of Indigenous Peoples from around the world were able to share information about their situation at the UN, and build alliances and strategies for advocacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the late 1980s, which is when we began producing The Indigenous World, the status of Indigenous Peoples changed from being objects of international law to subjects, beginning with the adoption<\/a> of International Labor Organization Convention 169 in 1989. Since then, the legal recognition of Indigenous Peoples has swiftly grown, perhaps demonstrated most significantly in the adoption<\/a> of the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples in 2007.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The world appears to be at an inflection point when it comes to multilateral processes, support for human rights, and the re-emergence of Cold War-like global geopolitical tensions. What are the implications of this for Indigenous rights?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Indigenous Peoples and their lands are increasingly being affected by armed conflict and the actions of illegal cartels (as well as the actions to curtail them), among other violent events. Naturally, they try to take measures to defend their territories. This makes them frequent targets of violence, which can include forced displacement, threats, persecution, sexual violence and even killings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Military, police and government policies or peacebuilding strategies are often created and implemented without acknowledging Indigenous Peoples or consulting with them. Excluding them in these processes simply perpetuates the cycle of violence they have had to contend with for generations, and effectively derails any meaningful and genuine process for long-term peace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further, states are redirecting budgets from human rights and international protection frameworks, compromising one of the few foundations Indigenous Peoples have, and have fought for for decades, where their rights are explicit and protected. This is damaging to Indigenous Peoples as often, in local and national contexts where they are mentioned or considered, it is done in a token and superficial manner.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The world is also seeing a renewed race for extractive resources, not least critical minerals for energy transitions. Many of these are in or near Indigenous territories. How has this rush for resources been impacting Indigenous Peoples, and how have they responded?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In the rush for critical minerals, there is an increasing risk of violations of Indigenous Peoples\u2019 rights. Clean energy technologies will demand huge amounts of the world\u2019s cooper and rare earth element reserves, including nickel, cobalt and lithium, within the next 15 years<\/a>. More than half<\/a> of these minerals\u2019 reserves are on Indigenous Peoples\u2019 lands or close to them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Once governments classify these resources as \u201ccritical\u201d, their extraction becomes a national security issue. This means they can bypass protections and rights of Indigenous Peoples to grant companies licenses to extract these resources from their lands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indigenous Peoples have pushed back against these actions, reminding institutions of the protections and laws enshrined in national or international law. But when they do so they and their rights have often been perceived as running counter to national interests. Important protocols, such as free, prior and informed consent (FPIC), among others, are simply sidestepped \u2013 if they were in place to begin with. This was evident in the 2026 edition\u2019s updates from the S\u00e1pmi<\/a> people of northern Scandinavia, for example.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indigenous Peoples have also peacefully protested and brought their stories and evidence into international spaces such as the UN. But in response they have been painted as anti-state, and frequently face heightened surveillance and intimidation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What we are seeing, and what has been reported in this book, is that governments are shifting their budgets and narratives about the green transition. For them, it is now more of an energy security matter than an environmental one, the new focus being the speed at which a government can achieve energy independence. This translates to the reopening of coal power plants that were shut down or planned to be decommissioned, and an increase in leases for oil and gas exploration, as just some examples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again, there is little consideration, acknowledgment or consulting of Indigenous Peoples in all of this. Their knowledge and lived experiences, which have contributed to the sustainable use and conservation of lands and resources for generations, are being ignored. Rather, models based on extraction and force continue to take their place.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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