The start of the year saw the appointment of a new chair of the African Group of Negotiators (AGN) – Nana Antwi-Boasiako Amoah, Ghana’s director of climate vulnerability and adaptation.
Since the first UN climate negotiations in 1995, the AGN, which represents the continent’s 54 countries, has sought to elevate African priorities, like securing funding for adapting to climate impacts.
With next year’s major climate conference – COP32 – taking place in Ethiopia, the significance of the bloc is increasing. However, it is not without its internal divisions and disagreements.
Amoah recently sat down with Dialogue Earth in Accra to discuss his priorities and vision for the bloc, the challenge of keeping climate change high on the political agenda, and the increasingly consequential role of China in the continent’s climate responses.
The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Dialogue Earth: What do you see as the priorities for the African Group of Negotiators over the next two years?
Nana Antwi-Boasiako Amoah: In the climate negotiation space, there are things already being cooked. We want them cooked the way we Africans want.
One of the main contentious issues has always been finance. We come from the background of the 2009 Copenhagen Accord, where USD 100 billion was pledged by developed nations. There was a lot of hope in realising this annually. The outcome turned out not to be what was expected by developing countries, especially for the African continent. Then at COP29 in 2024 all of us agreed to another long-term finance target for the next 10 years, the New Collective Quantified Goal. One of the key things that we want to see in the next two years is its implementation.
Another thing that we are also very keen to see is the Just Transition Mechanism which was launched last year. The architecture of this mechanism is yet to be built. Africa would like to input into this structure to make sure that the transition we want is actually followed.
We are aware of our diversity but also our common interests. Our vulnerabilities are almost the same
Then there is the issue of involving young people in the negotiation space in Africa. If you look at population dynamics globally, Africa has the most energetic youth age. We want to build the next generation of negotiators who would be able to fill the space. Beyond that, there is a need for inclusivity in the negotiations. You need all the actors onboard: researchers, civil society, media, women’s groups.
Why didn’t Africa benefit from the USD 100 billion pledge?
One challenge was the supply side and the other, the demand side.
When it comes to supply, the pledge was not fulfilled. The instruments that were supposed to be used were also diverted: it was supposed to be mainly grants (public financing) but at some point that changed to loans, especially for adaptation. That is not good for Africa, because you cannot continue to incur debts.
The demand side concerns our readiness to access the limited money. We do not have relevant capacity. The funds are not country allocations; they are in common pots that all developing countries must access. So, you need to have access capability in terms of what kind of project proposals or programmes need to be developed, and what kind of skills capacities are needed.
The Loss and Damage Fund was a hard-fought COP victory, but pledges remain below USD 1 billion. Is the fund beginning to deliver on its promise?
Developed countries did not even want the fund because it has to do with money. Developing countries fought and got it established, but no capitalisation happened since the first one in Dubai in 2023. They are going for a replenishment next year. Maybe that is when they can get some marginal increment or money into the fund. But there may even be no progress when you consider the pressure on other multilateral climate funds. So, the objective of establishing that fund, if not carefully looked at, would be defeated.
How do you maintain cohesion within the AGN while reflecting the diversity of African interests in negotiations?
We are aware of the diversity, but we are also aware of our common interests. Our vulnerabilities are almost the same. In any issue that is being negotiated, we make sure we have a common position for submission.
We call for submissions that transcend borders within the continent – those that comprehensively outline common challenges and opportunities. But we also country-specific submissions so national circumstances can be highlighted or articulated better. These support the central submission done by the AGN chair on behalf of the group.
At COP30 in Brazil, debates around a roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels exposed divisions within Africa. Some countries rely heavily on oil and gas revenues. While others are building energy systems around renewables. How do you navigate these differences?
I think this is one of the most challenging subject matters in our whole conversation. Nobody accepts the idea that emissions from fossil fuels are good, so we have to move away from it. But how did the developed countries develop? We cannot decouple development from emissions because they move in tandem. It is important to make sure that we develop. But in trying to develop, what sort of energy should be recommended?
As a continent, if we want to reduce the impact, it should be done in a more just manner. Transitioning should be different. There are big emitters globally from the advanced world that should show leadership and others will follow. There are many countries in Africa – like Nigeria, Ghana, Gabon and Angola – depending on fossil fuels to support their economic development agenda. So, if you say that we should do away with fossils today, with which alternative and at whose cost?
Africa’s imports of solar panels from China have surged in recent years. How significant is China’s role in accelerating Africa’s energy transition?
China is a global leader when it comes to solar. In terms of economies of skills, you look at what countries are doing and what they can do best. If you look at wind energy, Europe leads. But China has demonstrated leadership in solar energy. In Africa, we either adjust our systems, because we don’t yet have the infrastructure to produce and maintain a whole value chain. But there are risks – in terms of business and energy security – if that high dependency on China continues.
Global political attention is increasingly shaped by geopolitical tensions and economic crises. Do you sense that climate urgency is slipping down the international agenda?
The sense of urgency is fast slipping away, honestly: the attention devoted to conversations on climate change is gradually declining.
For developing countries, there are two key climate issues: adaptation and finance. As we cannot stop emissions, we need to adapt. Then the finance aspect, which has to do with a means of implementation and the incapacity to do either mitigation or adaptation.
The whole climate change conversation was framed around developed and developing countries because of the nature of historical emissions under the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. We have all identified that we have that common responsibility.
Your term as AGN chair runs through 2027. What would success look like at the end of that mandate?
At the end of 2027, which coincides with the African COP in Ethiopia, I expect to see that Africa’s national circumstances are highly articulated and acknowledged in the various funds and financial flows. We are the most vulnerable to climate change and that must be reflected in opportunities to access these funds. I will be very happy seeing our leadership take a whole new conversation on climate change in the national discussions. You can do the global talks, but if these decisions are not anchored in national frameworks, they will not work.
